The Migration of Fashion, Part 1: The Colonizing Gaze and Counter-Gaze
Written by Sandra Mathey García-Rada
The Latin American Fashion Summit platform created in 2018 aims to help Latin American fashion brands and designers join the global stage. Through different initiatives that bring together powerful industry figures, the main one being a yearly conference and networking event, this summit aims to change the perception of what Latin American fashion was traditionally.
Latin America and fashion are two terms that are not immediately associated. Even though there is a booming Latin American fashion industry, this is a region which is usually neglected and undervalued.[i] This is heightened by the fact that Latin America does not have any fashion world city—New York, London, Milan, Paris and Tokyo[ii]—even in the twenty-first century. In May 2017, Business of Fashion published an article written by Robb Young entitled “Latin America’s $160 Billion Fashion Opportunity.” In it, Young investigated the state of the Latin American fashion industry, its strengths and weaknesses, and its future. He interviewed several Latin American fashion industry professionals, who explained that this region has been consistently growing in the past few years, but that, likewise, it has been consistently underestimated and overlooked. Young quotes Peruvian designer Chiara Macchiavello, who explains that “Latin America has this unfortunate stigma when it comes to the way the global market sees us. Because of its long history of crooked governments and these jarring social, economic problems, we’ve sometimes been perceived as underdeveloped and, because of that, people sometimes still question our taste.”[iii] And this idea is not new, as Latin America is a region that has been historically rooted in and characterized by underdevelopment.[iv] In fact, its countries are usually branded through the exoticism of their indigenous communities. In the fashion industry, this is interpreted in the use of its cultures as inspiration, which is then translated to cultural and national stereotypes that constantly link this region to ‘non-Western’ civilizations.
Latin American fashion brands and designers have, in fact, been creating innovative pieces that are sold and merchandised around the world next to what are usually considered ‘fashionable’ brands. Interestingly, these pieces are not defined by their country of origin, but by their design concepts. However, the inextricable association of the region to national stereotypes sometimes makes it difficult for newer talents to enter the global fashion discourse.
The Latin American Fashion Summit platform created in 2018 aims to help Latin American fashion brands and designers join the global stage. Through different initiatives that bring together powerful industry figures, the main one being a yearly conference and networking event, this summit aims to change the perception of what Latin American fashion was traditionally.
In The Latin American Fashion Reader—the first and only publication entirely devoted to Latin American fashion studies, and the first one to explore this region through a diversity lens—Regina Root explains: “The first images and accounts of American natives that circulated throughout Europe reveal much about a sense of awe experienced by the first colonizers.”[v] In fact, one of the first noticeable differences between western Europeans and American natives was the minimal use of clothing on the part of American natives. European colonizers aimed to ‘modernize’[vi] this new world, and one of the ways in which they attempted to accomplish that was through the enforcement of new dress regulations. Root points out that dress and textiles had played an important role in differentiating social classes and religious orientations in the pre-Columbian period in this region, but, after colonization, and in order to showcase ‘Western’ superiority, colonizers created a caste system that included the use of ‘Western’ dress.[vii] In the chapter “Visualizing Difference: The Rhetoric of Clothing in Colonial Spanish America,” Mariselle Meléndez further explains that “for European societies and highly developed Amerindians societies, clothing was not only a social marker but also a tool with which to measure one’s degree of civilization.”[viii]
Meléndez also illustrates that in the Inca Empire—the last and largest empire in pre-Columbian America—”clothing worked…as visual reminders of power and civilization.”[ix] Thus, while the introduction of ‘Western’ dress transformed the region, it did not initiate the practice of using dress and fashion to express themselves.
Latin America is a region that has been historically defined in comparison to ‘the West.’ Even though it is geographically located in this area, this concept, as Stuart Hall explains, “is as much an idea as a fact of geography.”[x] ‘The West’ is a social construct that was created in western Europe in the fifteenth century. This was a period when, despite their internal differences, the idea that they were a unified territory started to create differences between ‘them’ and the ‘Others’—or the rest of the world. This concept of difference—now known as the discourse of ‘the West and the Rest’—eventually expanded to include North America, but Latin America remained in an ‘inferior’ position both geographically and ideologically. Even though it might seem harmless, this notion creates unequal encounters between countries and cultures, positioning those that are considered as ‘Western’ in a more powerful position. This, in turn, gives those in the dominant position the power to create predominant discourses about the ‘Other’.[xi]
European colonization in the sixteenth century involved not only the migration of communities and traditions, but also the migration of fashions. In fact, after European colonization, Latin America became an even more diverse region, one where “transnational flows and multicultural influences of dress and material culture”[xii] intersect. And one where fashion, in fact, played—and still plays—an important role. Part one of this essay, therefore, explores the construction of Latin America as the ‘Other,’ while part two deals with the migration of European fashions to Latin America during the colonial period in order to explore the complex and hybrid identity of the region. I focus on the case study of Las Tapadas Limeñas, an Arabic trend that arrived to Peru through Spain in the sixteenth century. The term ‘Latin American fashion’ is used throughout this essay as a way to highlight and problematize the conventional use of ‘dress’ when studying this region.
The first issue that arises when researching Latin America is its definition. What exactly is Latin America and which countries are part of it? According to the United Nations, Latin America and the Caribbean region is formed by 33 countries (not including dependent territories) and extends from Mexico through Argentina.[xiii] However, Latin America is a social construct in the same way as ‘the West’ is. In fact, the origin of the term ‘Latin America’ does not have one clear version. In their book Mapping Latin America, Offen and Dym illustrate the complexity behind a region that seems to be clearly defined. They explain that one of the hypothesis attributes its name to the nineteenth century French government, which justified its invasion plans by connecting this region and Europe through Latin languages. A second hypothesis affirms that the term was created by the region itself as a way to differentiate itself from North American culture and celebrate its own values.[xiv] Unintentionally, the authors connect the creation of Latin America to the discourse of ‘the West and the Rest,’ highlighting a period when, despite internal differences, both regions see themselves as a unified territory.
However, by this time, Latin America had already become even more diverse through mestizaje or racial mixing. European fashions, in the same way, migrated and were adapted to each new location, replicating European dynamics in Latin America.
[i] Robb Young, “Latin America’s $160 Billion Fashion Opportunity,” Business of Fashion, May 17th, 2017, available from: https://www.businessoffashion.com/articles/global-currents/latin-americas-160-billion-fashion-opportunity, accessed November 30th 2019.
[ii] Breward, Christoper and David Gilbert, “From Paris to Shanghai: the Changing Geographies of Fashion’s World Cities,” In Fashion’s World Cities (Oxford: Berg, 2006), 3-32.
[iii] Robb Young, “Latin America’s $160 Billion Fashion Opportunity,” Business of Fashion, May 17th, 2017, available from: https://www.businessoffashion.com/articles/global-currents/latin-americas-160-billion-fashion-opportunity, accessed November 30th 2019.
[iv] According to the United Nations, Latin America and the Caribbean region is formed by 33 countries (not including dependent territories) and extends from Mexico through Argentina. For more information see: “Member States and associate members,” CEPAL.org, accessed November 30th, 2019, https://www.cepal.org/en/estados-miembros
[v] Regina Root, “Introduction” in The Latin American Fashion Reader, ed. Regina Root (Oxford and New York: Berg, 2005), 2.
[vi] ‘Modern’ is a problematic term that has different meanings depending on each person’s culture and background. For European colonizers, ‘modernity’ was linked to western European traditions and the use of tailored garments.
[vii] Regina Root, “Introduction” in The Latin American Fashion Reader, ed. Regina Root (Oxford and New York: Berg, 2005), 2.
[viii] Mariselle Meléndez, “Visualizing Difference: The Rhetoric of Clothing in Colonial Spanish America” in The Latin American Fashion Reader, ed. Regina Root (Oxford and New York: Berg, 2005), 23.
[ix] Ibid.
[x] Stuart Hall, “The West and the Rest: Discourse and Power,” in Formations of Modernity, ed. Stuart Hall and Bram Gieben (Cambridge and Oxford: The Open University, 2001), 276.
[xi] Ibid, 289-294.
[xii] Regina Root, “Introduction” in The Latin American Fashion Reader, ed. Regina Root (Oxford and New York: Berg, 2005), 1-2.
[xiii] “Member States and associate members,” CEPAL.org, accessed November 30th, 2019, https://www.cepal.org/en/estados-miembros
[xiv] Karl Offen and Jordana Dym, “Introduction,” in Mapping Latin America: A Cartographic Reader, edited by Karl Offen and Jordana Dym (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago, 2011), 3-4.
Xenophobia in Latin America
Venezuela, the resource rich crown of the South American continent faces increasing risks to its economic security, forcing thousands to seek a life in neighboring countries. Situated in a key transport intersection with access to ports, sea lanes, canals, air routes, and stable (at least for the moment) neighbors, Venezuela’s energy exports should be in global demand. But, after two decades of anti-Western bloviations and Castro-style socialist state takeovers of the private economy, Venezuela’s government finds itself isolated from American run global financial networks. In its isolation, it has resorted back to capitalism, allowing foreign private energy companies the chance to bid on state owned and operated oil projects. The mismanagement of its oil industry has limited its capacity to pump, refine, and export. According to some estimates, the country’s oil production is less than a third of the total in 1998.[1] Major investments, and lengthy construction projects will be required to move to a revenue positive production capacity. Access to western markets will be severely prohibited as Washington DC imposes further sanctions on firms associated with Venezuela’s oil industry. The Maduro government hopes the increased flow of oil revenue can help alleviate pressure on its democratic and diplomatic legitimacy. The state-run oil company was once Venezuela’s biggest employer, a source of national pride, with well-known Venezuelan brands like CITGO available at North American interstate rest areas and refueling centers. According to oil industry experts, Venezuela’s oil production capacity should reach 2.6 million barrels a day over the next 10 years, but the industry needs to invest over $200 billion to get there.[2] Recently, the Trump administration has imposed economic sanctions on Rosneft, a Russian state energy firm with contracts to extract and export Venezuelan crude. The sanctions prompted president Maduro to declare an “energy emergency” and the creation of a commission to revamp the state oil company.[3]
Economic deterioration is eroding civil society. Normal social and economic functions are vastly diminished from where they were five years ago. Hospitals routinely run out of adequate supplies. Food, toilet paper, toothpaste and other essential products are in short supply. These disparities, combined with record inflation, have driven 4.7 million Venezuelan’s to seek a home elsewhere. Most have chosen to stay in the region, seeking shelter and economic opportunity in Colombia, Ecuador and Peru. Oxfam International researchers recently surveyed attitudes of people living in those countries to measure levels of xenophobia and exclusion towards Venezuelan migrants. The study relies on a constructivist approach, using online surveys and in country focus groups. The study itself replicates a model used by Oxfam for measuring social issues related to European migrant experiences. The goal of the research is to ascertain methods and instances of direct action, challenging media created perceptions of migrants across South America. In the course of their data analysis, the authors found a strong gender bias component, leading them to delve further into the unique cultural dynamics facing migrant populations across Latin America. Venezuelan women are stereotyped as overly sexualized, more concerned with outward physical beauty than intellectual and career pursuits. This bias, both conscious and unconscious, discriminates against Venezuelan women seeking jobs and economic opportunities in host countries.
Oxfam researchers found that residents from the three host countries agree that the majority of migrants leave Venezuela out of necessity, forced by the situation. But there is a persistent, latent response that points to hardened biases against migrants:
“They oscillate between understanding, solidarity and concern about racism and xenophobia, on the one hand, and associating immigrants with insecurity, the collapse of social services and a widespread desire for the immigrants to leave the country as soon as possible, on the other.”[4]
The movement of Venezuelan’s across South and Central America’s porous borders is accompanied by the usual challenges associated with migration: Economic, political and cultural acceptance and integration. Ecuador is steadily changing its once liberal immigration laws, cracking down on Venezuelans by requiring them to obtain an entry visa. Venezuelans already in the country will be provided with a “two-year humanitarian visa meant to facilitate access to social services.”[5] This is a big shift. In 2008 Ecuador passed a new constitution recognizing the rights and guarantees of “people in human mobility,” (Ecuadorians abroad, refugees, immigrants, returnees, people in transit and transnational families). The law provides welfare state benefits, universal education, and a work permit to anyone residing in Ecuador regardless of their legal status. Unlike other countries, Ecuador allows a person to obtain a naturalization card after three years of permanent residency.[6] These open borders policy approach dimmed in 2015 after an influx of Colombians sought safety from ongoing violent conflicts between the Colombian government and FARC rebels. According to a 2014 Human Rights Watch report, 5.7 million people have left Colombia, with upwards of 200,000 fleeing their homes each year. At the time of the report, the number of Colombian migrants generated the “world’s second largest population of internally displaced persons.”[7]
In 2015, the Ecuadorian government faced a crisis as more refugees fled to the country from Venezuela, Cuba and Colombia. Scholar, activist and journalist Manuela Picq spent four days imprisoned in an Ecuadorian facility nicknamed Hotel Carrion, detained partly due to her husband’s work as a human rights activist in Ecuador. She described the migrant detention center as a jail, “It’s called a hotel, but it works as a jail. We are locked in rooms and have departure times to the patio (30 minutes twice a day) … men and women are on separate floors. There was no medical care. One man had to cut off his arm to be taken to the hospital.”[8]
La Avena Comica is an Ecuador based YouTube channel featuring political commentary and citizen journalism. They’ve been covering government and citizen abuses against migrants from all countries as more people sought safety in Ecuador. In this video, host Ave Jaramillo explains the evolution of Ecuador’s migrant laws and how bouts of xenophobia have surged as more migrants from neighboring countries seek safety:
Attitudes towards Venezuelan migrants shifted even further in 2019 following the murder of a 22-year-old woman by her Venezuelan boyfriend. A news report after the murder cited outraged residents who “began hunting for Venezuelan migrants in the community the following day, forcing them out of hostels and homes where they rent rooms, throwing rocks at them and setting their belongings on fire.”[9] Just two days after the murder, the government passed a law requiring Venezuelans to present criminal records to immigration authorities.
Colombia, home to 1.6 million Venezuelans, has taken a different approach in allowing migrants to obtain work permits. According to news reports, the Colombian government is working to identify foreign nationals in an attempt to bring them into the formal economy without punishment or fear of reprisal. In August of 2019, President Ivan Duque granted citizenship to 24,000 children born to Venezuelan migrant parents in Colombia, preventing them from being stateless and cut off from welfare state benefits like healthcare and education.[10]
In Peru, home to nearly 1 million Venezuelan refugees, reports of xenophobia against migrants are common. In a BBC News special report from August of 2019, reporters heard stories of migrants being told to “go back to your own country,” and “what are you doing here? We don’t need any more Venezuelans here. We’re full.”[11]
According to the BBC News report, the Peruvian government’s data shows Venezuelans committed less than 1% of crimes in 2018. But a survey conducted in February of 2019 by the Institute for Peruvian Studies found that more than half of those questioned believed that “many Venezuelans engaged in criminal activities in Peru.” Local academics and experts cite sensationalistic reporting and anti-immigrant rhetoric of public officials as sources of blame for these attitudes.
Oxfam researchers acknowledged a growing sentiment against migrants, as political measures designed to curb migration are enacted around the world:
“If these narratives and policies take root, the ambivalent population may be pushed further towards frustration (and anger against migration), increasing social tensions.”
The Oxfam study offers recommendations to media influencers and public communicators to carefully observe the ways they frame migrant issues, and to avoid publishing and promoting anti-migrant content:
“In particular, information pieces that encourage sexual violence against women, and perpetuate the hyper-sexualization of their appearance and the roles imposed on migrant women and girls in the host societies should be avoided. Communication angles should be sought that do not reinforce sexualized or sexist profiles.”[12]
This is just a glimpse into the challenges faced by global migrants in search of a haven away from insecure geographies. But the themes of exclusion and misperception of the ‘other,’ are driven by false media narratives inspired by political rhetoric and perception management strategies. As technology in these countries evolves, the tactics and forms of communication foster networks of misinformation. The Oxfam study offers several recommendations on how governments and media influencers can counteract misinformation, but the perception industry’s outbound messages regarding migrants must be confronted first with stricter regulations on centralized media operations. Government’s must readjust the content equation by incentivizing unscrupulous broadcasters to adjust their coverage or face fines and penalties. Governments have the power to carefully review corporate charters, revoke broadcast licenses, and sanction media executives involved in misinformation campaigns that lead to the dehumanization of migrants. Misperception must be labeled and contained. Governments are the only entities capable of reigning in the excesses of market driven content creation and distribution. Empowered central governments must think creatively on how to manage the flow of information. Keeping their populations secure is a primary aspect of the social contract. So far, they’ve failed, giving rise to demagogues and autocrats unafraid to embrace rampant nationalism and excessive populism as tools to gain and retain electoral power.
[1] Kurmaneav, Anatoly & Krauss, Clifford, “To Survive, Venezuela’s Leader Gives Up Decades of Control Over Oil,” The New York Times, February 18, 2020. https://www.nytimes.com/2020/02/08/world/americas/venezuela-oil-maduro.html
[2] Kurmaneav, Anatoly & Krauss, Clifford, “To Survive, Venezuela’s Leader Gives Up Decades of Control Over Oil,” The New York Times, February 18, 2020. https://www.nytimes.com/2020/02/08/world/americas/venezuela-oil-maduro.html
[3] Zerpa, Fabiola, “Maduro declares “energy emergency”, shakes up PDVSA leadership,” Feb. 20, 2020. https://www.worldoil.com/news/2020/2/20/maduro-declares-energy-emergency-shakes-up-pdvsa-leadership
[4] Rivero, Pablo, “Yes, But Not Here,” Oxfam, Oct. 24, 2019, p.7 https://www.oxfam.org/en/research/yes-not-here
[5] Reuters Wire Eds, “Venezuelan migrants flood into Ecuador ahead of new visa restrictions,” Reuters, August 26, 2019. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-venezuela-politics-colombia/venezuelan-migrants-flood-into-ecuador-ahead-of-new-visa-restrictions-idUSKCN1VG1SX
[6] Interesting to note that Ecuador requires visas just eleven countries (Afghanistan, Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh, Somalia, Cuba, Eritrea, Kenya, Venezuela, Ethiopia, and Senegal.)
[7] Human Rights Watch, “World Report 2015: Colombia,” January 7, 2015. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2015/country-chapters/colombia
[8] La Avena Comica, “Migración Ecuador: All You Need is visa,” Aug. 21, 2016. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7A89qBG3ifw
[9] Associated Press Wire, “Ecuador tightens rules for Venezuelans after brutal murder,” Jan. 21, 2019. https://apnews.com/e9f7c99bd95441649f17aae8f2c595dc
[10] Reuters Wire, Eds, “Colombia offers work permits to hundreds of thousands of Venezuelan migrants,” Reuters, January 29, 2020. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-venezuela-politics-colombia/colombia-offers-work-permits-to-hundreds-of-thousands-of-venezuelan-migrants-idUSKBN1ZS2YE
[11] Janetsky, Megan, “Fears stoke backlash against Venezuelans in Peru,” Aug. 1, 2019, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-49156814
[12] Rivero, Pablo, “Yes, But Not Here,” Oxfam, Oct. 24, 2019, p.18 https://www.oxfam.org/en/research/yes-not-here